約 4,437,549 件
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To get my happiness I had done everything but had known it s terrible crime to be accused of My nail of little finger grew longer day by day Then I noticed I couldn t stop this urge I was a believer in life to live in piece of mind and was making an effort for my quiet life Give me a reason why not to adopt in this way or tell me the way to control this hopeless urge Tell me what was to be done and what went wrong Maybe I overlooked something fatal for me The whole love of mine was complete baroque and I was in fetters but I wished a quiet life My desperate urge grew on everyday Then I lost control of my cruel impulse Only god knew the reason why I had been born with this lust But still I wanted to live in peace of mind "About the motive of the murderer, have you ever thought for real?" I only tried to be honest with myself and my own urge Tell me what was an error in the way I had done But,by doing so, I tried to handle myself There is nobody who knows I committed a murder In this way, maybe, I would get a quiet life "So what should I have done to get the peace of mind?" What is the well-being you were dying to get? Where am I going from here? Many hands take me to dark At all, how am I gonna be judged by? How...? ※動画コメントより訳詩 幸福を掴むためなら私は何でもした しかし、その行為が、咎められる恐ろしい罪であることも知っていた 私の指の爪は、日増しに伸びていく その時私は気づいた、この衝動は止められないのだと 私は、心の平穏の内に生きる人生を信じていた そして平穏な人生を送るための努力をしてきた。 何故この方法で駄目なのか、理由を教えて欲しい 教えてくれないのなら、このどうしようもない衝動を抑える術を私に教えて欲しい 何をすべきだったのか、何が間違っていたのかを教えて欲しい 多分、私は・・・私自身にとって致命的な何かを見落としていたのだろう。 総じて私の愛情は完全に歪つなものだった。 それによって私は縛られていたが、それでも私は平穏な人生を願った。 私の絶望的な衝動は日に日に大きくなっていった。 そして私は自分の恐ろしい衝動を抑えられなくなった… 神だけがその理由を知っていた (私がこの渇望と共に生を受けた理由など誰も知らない) しかしそれでも尚、私は求めたのだ、平穏の内に生きることを… 「殺人を犯す者の動機について、 あなたはいままで本気で考えたことがありますか?」 私は自分自身と自分の衝動(本能)に素直であろうとしただけだった 私が行った方法の何が誤りであったのかを教えて欲しい だがそうすることで、私は自分自身を守ろうとしていたのだ。 私が殺人を犯したと知るものは誰もいない この方法なら、多分、私は自分の望んだ人生を手に入れられるかもしれない… 「私は己が望んだものを手に入れるために一体何をすべきだったのだろう?」 私以外の、例えば君が、死ぬほど手に入れたがっていた幸福とは何だ? これから私は何処へ行くのだろう? 無数の手が私を闇へ連れ去っていく 一体私はどんな方法で裁かれるのだろうか?果たしてどのように…? 原曲【片霧烈火/why, or why not】 元動画URL【http //www.nicovideo.jp/watch/sm711029】
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CHAPTER IV UP CHAPTER VI CHAPTER V Anne s History "Do you know," said Anne confidentially, "I ve made up my mind to enjoy this drive. It s been my experience that you can nearly always enjoy things if you make up your mind firmly that you will. Of course, you must make it up FIRMLY. I am not going to think about going back to the asylum while we re having our drive. I m just going to think about the drive. Oh, look, there s one little early wild rose out! Isn t it lovely? Don t you think it must be glad to be a rose? Wouldn t it be nice if roses could talk? I m sure they could tell us such lovely things. And isn t pink the most bewitching color in the world? I love it, but I can t wear it. Redheaded people can t wear pink, not even in imagination. Did you ever know of anybody whose hair was red when she was young, but got to be another color when she grew up?" "No, I don t know as I ever did," said Marilla mercilessly, "and I shouldn t think it likely to happen in your case either." Anne sighed. "Well, that is another hope gone. `My life is a perfect graveyard of buried hopes. That s a sentence I read in a book once, and I say it over to comfort myself whenever I m disappointed in anything." "I don t see where the comforting comes in myself," said Marilla. "Why, because it sounds so nice and romantic, just as if I were a heroine in a book, you know. I am so fond of romantic things, and a graveyard full of buried hopes is about as romantic a thing as one can imagine isn t it? I m rather glad I have one. Are we going across the Lake of Shining Waters today?" "We re not going over Barry s pond, if that s what you mean by your Lake of Shining Waters. We re going by the shore road." "Shore road sounds nice," said Anne dreamily. "Is it as nice as it sounds? Just when you said `shore road I saw it in a picture in my mind, as quick as that! And White Sands is a pretty name, too; but I don t like it as well as Avonlea. Avonlea is a lovely name. It just sounds like music. How far is it to White Sands?" "It s five miles; and as you re evidently bent on talking you might as well talk to some purpose by telling me what you know about yourself." "Oh, what I KNOW about myself isn t really worth telling," said Anne eagerly. "If you ll only let me tell you what I IMAGINE about myself you ll think it ever so much more interesting." "No, I don t want any of your imaginings. Just you stick to bald facts. Begin at the beginning. Where were you born and how old are you?" "I was eleven last March," said Anne, resigning herself to bald facts with a little sigh. "And I was born in Bolingbroke, Nova Scotia. My father s name was Walter Shirley, and he was a teacher in the Bolingbroke High School. My mother s name was Bertha Shirley. Aren t Walter and Bertha lovely names? I m so glad my parents had nice names. It would be a real disgrace to have a father named--well, say Jedediah, wouldn t it?" "I guess it doesn t matter what a person s name is as long as he behaves himself," said Marilla, feeling herself called upon to inculcate a good and useful moral. "Well, I don t know." Anne looked thoughtful. "I read in a book once that a rose by any other name would smell as sweet, but I ve never been able to believe it. I don t believe a rose WOULD be as nice if it was called a thistle or a skunk cabbage. I suppose my father could have been a good man even if he had been called Jedediah; but I m sure it would have been a cross. Well, my mother was a teacher in the High school, too, but when she married father she gave up teaching, of course. A husband was enough responsibility. Mrs. Thomas said that they were a pair of babies and as poor as church mice. They went to live in a weeny-teeny little yellow house in Bolingbroke. I ve never seen that house, but I ve imagined it thousands of times. I think it must have had honeysuckle over the parlor window and lilacs in the front yard and lilies of the valley just inside the gate. Yes, and muslin curtains in all the windows. Muslin curtains give a house such an air. I was born in that house. Mrs. Thomas said I was the homeliest baby she ever saw, I was so scrawny and tiny and nothing but eyes, but that mother thought I was perfectly beautiful. I should think a mother would be a better judge than a poor woman who came in to scrub, wouldn t you? I m glad she was satisfied with me anyhow, I would feel so sad if I thought I was a disappointment to her--because she didn t live very long after that, you see. She died of fever when I was just three months old. I do wish she d lived long enough for me to remember calling her mother. I think it would be so sweet to say `mother, don t you? And father died four days afterwards from fever too. That left me an orphan and folks were at their wits end, so Mrs. Thomas said, what to do with me. You see, nobody wanted me even then. It seems to be my fate. Father and mother had both come from places far away and it was well known they hadn t any relatives living. Finally Mrs. Thomas said she d take me, though she was poor and had a drunken husband. She brought me up by hand. Do you know if there is anything in being brought up by hand that ought to make people who are brought up that way better than other people? Because whenever I was naughty Mrs. Thomas would ask me how I could be such a bad girl when she had brought me up by hand-- reproachful-like. "Mr. and Mrs. Thomas moved away from Bolingbroke to Marysville, and I lived with them until I was eight years old. I helped look after the Thomas children--there were four of them younger than me--and I can tell you they took a lot of looking after. Then Mr. Thomas was killed falling under a train and his mother offered to take Mrs. Thomas and the children, but she didn t want me. Mrs. Thomas was at HER wits end, so she said, what to do with me. Then Mrs. Hammond from up the river came down and said she d take me, seeing I was handy with children, and I went up the river to live with her in a little clearing among the stumps. It was a very lonesome place. I m sure I could never have lived there if I hadn t had an imagination. Mr. Hammond worked a little sawmill up there, and Mrs. Hammond had eight children. She had twins three times. I like babies in moderation, but twins three times in succession is TOO MUCH. I told Mrs. Hammond so firmly, when the last pair came. I used to get so dreadfully tired carrying them about. "I lived up river with Mrs. Hammond over two years, and then Mr. Hammond died and Mrs. Hammond broke up housekeeping. She divided her children among her relatives and went to the States. I had to go to the asylum at Hopeton, because nobody would take me. They didn t want me at the asylum, either; they said they were over- crowded as it was. But they had to take me and I was there four months until Mrs. Spencer came." Anne finished up with another sigh, of relief this time. Evidently she did not like talking about her experiences in a world that had not wanted her. "Did you ever go to school?" demanded Marilla, turning the sorrel mare down the shore road. "Not a great deal. I went a little the last year I stayed with Mrs. Thomas. When I went up river we were so far from a school that I couldn t walk it in winter and there was a vacation in summer, so I could only go in the spring and fall. But of course I went while I was at the asylum. I can read pretty well and I know ever so many pieces of poetry off by heart--`The Battle of Hohenlinden and `Edinburgh after Flodden, and `Bingen of the Rhine, and most of the `Lady of the Lake and most of `The Seasons by James Thompson. Don t you just love poetry that gives you a crinkly feeling up and down your back? There is a piece in the Fifth Reader--`The Downfall of Poland --that is just full of thrills. Of course, I wasn t in the Fifth Reader--I was only in the Fourth--but the big girls used to lend me theirs to read." "Were those women--Mrs. Thomas and Mrs. Hammond--good to you?" asked Marilla, looking at Anne out of the corner of her eye. "O-o-o-h," faltered Anne. Her sensitive little face suddenly flushed scarlet and embarrassment sat on her brow. "Oh, they MEANT to be--I know they meant to be just as good and kind as possible. And when people mean to be good to you, you don t mind very much when they re not quite--always. They had a good deal to worry them, you know. It s very trying to have a drunken husband, you see; and it must be very trying to have twins three times in succession, don t you think? But I feel sure they meant to be good to me." Marilla asked no more questions. Anne gave herself up to a silent rapture over the shore road and Marilla guided the sorrel abstractedly while she pondered deeply. Pity was suddenly stirring in her heart for the child. What a starved, unloved life she had had--a life of drudgery and poverty and neglect; for Marilla was shrewd enough to read between the lines of Anne s history and divine the truth. No wonder she had been so delighted at the prospect of a real home. It was a pity she had to be sent back. What if she, Marilla, should indulge Matthew s unaccountable whim and let her stay? He was set on it; and the child seemed a nice, teachable little thing. "She s got too much to say," thought Marilla, "but she might be trained out of that. And there s nothing rude or slangy in what she does say. She s ladylike. It s likely her people were nice folks." The shore road was "woodsy and wild and lonesome." On the right hand, scrub firs, their spirits quite unbroken by long years of tussle with the gulf winds, grew thickly. On the left were the steep red sandstone cliffs, so near the track in places that a mare of less steadiness than the sorrel might have tried the nerves of the people behind her. Down at the base of the cliffs were heaps of surf-worn rocks or little sandy coves inlaid with pebbles as with ocean jewels; beyond lay the sea, shimmering and blue, and over it soared the gulls, their pinions flashing silvery in the sunlight. "Isn t the sea wonderful?" said Anne, rousing from a long, wide-eyed silence. "Once, when I lived in Marysville, Mr. Thomas hired an express wagon and took us all to spend the day at the shore ten miles away. I enjoyed every moment of that day, even if I had to look after the children all the time. I lived it over in happy dreams for years. But this shore is nicer than the Marysville shore. Aren t those gulls splendid? Would you like to be a gull? I think I would--that is, if I couldn t be a human girl. Don t you think it would be nice to wake up at sunrise and swoop down over the water and away out over that lovely blue all day; and then at night to fly back to one s nest? Oh, I can just imagine myself doing it. What big house is that just ahead, please?" "That s the White Sands Hotel. Mr. Kirke runs it, but the season hasn t begun yet. There are heaps of Americans come there for the summer. They think this shore is just about right." "I was afraid it might be Mrs. Spencer s place," said Anne mournfully. "I don t want to get there. Somehow, it will seem like the end of everything." CHAPTER IV UP CHAPTER VI 今日 - | 昨日 - | Total - since 04 June 2007 last update 2007-06-05 01 31 52 (Tue)
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波紋生まれつきかもよ(Over-drive!) コーラ吹っ飛ばすかもよ(Over-drive!) 遺跡発掘かもよ(Over-drive!) スピワ死んでるかもよ(Over-drive!) ストは吸血鬼かもよ(Over-drive!) スピワ生きてるかもよ(Over-drive!)(どっちなの?) ナチス世界一かもよ(Over-drive!) セリフ当てちゃうかもよ(Over-drive!) ジョセフのこのこ女装で登場 想像以上にバレ早い 管も通れる時代ですよ 昔じゃ考えらんないね ハッピーうれピーただの趣味です 軍人根性貴重だわ(ウン。) 半裸でウロウロ許されてたよ 今じゃ裁判沙汰だもん もぉー!一寸ワムウさーん! もぉー!エシディシまで来たじゃん! もぉー!ブラフできたのに 指輪を埋めるのやめてー! マスクダサすぎるかもよ(Over-drive!) 柱昇れないかもよ(Over-drive!) ビート刻んじゃうかもよ(Over-drive!) 肉屋店先かもよ(Over-drive!) 糸を罠にするかもよ(Over-drive!) 崖は止まれないかもよ(Over-drive!) シュトロ使えないかもよ(Over-drive!) エイジャ赤石かもよ(かもじゃねーよ。) ツェペリ猫足ホテル入って ワムウの風に思いはせて シャボン優雅に滞空レンズ 神砂嵐は小宇宙 死角つかれてこれは天才 ピアスが渡せりゃ大吉 波紋使いが好きだった 今じゃどいつもこいつもスタンド もぉー!一寸ツェペリさーん! もぉー!シャボン残さないで! もぉー!敵地だったのに! 我慢が出来ずに泣くデショー! 座ったままでその場ジャンプ 祖父は一寸愉快 猛烈回転シャボンカッター これはかなり愉快 馬車は早すぎるかもよ(Over-drive!) 弓もかたすぎるかもよ(Over-drive!) 弾が激突かもよ(Over-drive!) ワムウ完敗かもよ(Over-drive!) 敬意払っちゃうかもよ(Over-drive!) ツェペリついてたのかもよ(Over-drive!) ヤツはニセカーズかもよ(Over-drive!) 勝てばよかろうかもよ(Over-drive!) 一寸強すぎるかもよ(Over-drive!) 太陽使えないかもよ(Over-drive!) 逃げて誘っちゃうかもよ(Over-drive!) それも計算かもよ(Over-drive!) 噴火凄すぎるかもよ(Over-drive!) 地球戻れないかもよ(Over-drive!) 葬儀焦っちゃうかもよ(Over-drive!) ママは若すぎかもよ(Over-drive!) 原曲:【トンガリキッズ/B-DASH(Ver.HANAGOE)】 元動画:【http //www.nicovideo.jp/watch/sm1766622】
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Over Drive OP『WINDER~ボクハココニイル~』 歌:少年カミカゼ 作詞:和教 作曲:和教 ED『最果てのパレード』 歌:メリー 作詞:ガラ 作曲:健一 ページ参照回数 -
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Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty)-5 Contents Top Chapter I.序論(Introductory) Chapter II.戦争以前のヨーロッパ(Europe before the War) Chapter III.会議(The Conference) Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-1 Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-2 Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-3 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-1 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-2 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-3 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-4 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-5 Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty)-5 Chapter VII.救済策(Remedies)-1 Chapter VII.救済策(Remedies)-2 Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty) This chapter must be one of pessimism. The Treaty includes no provisions for the economic rehabilitation of Europe,—nothing to make the defeated Central Empires into good neighbors, nothing to stabilize the new States of Europe, nothing to reclaim Russia; nor does it promote in any way a compact of economic solidarity amongst the Allies themselves; no arrangement was reached at Paris for restoring the disordered finances of France and Italy, or to adjust the systems of the Old World and the New. The Council of Four paid no attention to these issues, being preoccupied with others,—Clemenceau to crush the economic life of his enemy, Lloyd George to do a deal and bring home something which would pass muster for a week, the President to do nothing that was not just and right. It is an extraordinary fact that the fundamental economic problems of a Europe starving and disintegrating before their eyes, was the one question in which it was impossible to arouse the interest of the Four. Reparation was their main excursion into the economic field, and they settled it as a problem of theology, of polities, of electoral chicane, from every point of view except that of the economic future of the States whose destiny they were handling. I leave, from this point onwards, Paris, the Conference, and the Treaty, briefly to consider the present situation of Europe, as the War and the Peace have made it; and it will no longer be part of my purpose to distinguish between the inevitable fruits of the War and the avoidable misfortunes of the Peace. The essential facts of the situation, as I see them, are expressed simply. Europe consists of the densest aggregation of population in the history of the world. This population is accustomed to a relatively high standard of life, in which, even now, some sections of it anticipate improvement rather than deterioration. In relation to other continents Europe is not self-sufficient; in particular it cannot feed Itself. Internally the population is not evenly distributed, but much of it is crowded into a relatively small number of dense industrial centers. This population secured for itself a livelihood before the war, without much margin of surplus, by means of a delicate and immensely complicated organization, of which the foundations were supported by coal, iron, transport, and an unbroken supply of imported food and raw materials from other continents. By the destruction of this organization and the interruption of the stream of supplies, a part of this population is deprived of its means of livelihood. Emigration is not open to the redundant surplus. For it would take years to transport them overseas, even, which is not the case, if countries could be found which were ready to receive them. The danger confronting us, therefore, is the rapid depression of the standard of life of the European populations to a point which will mean actual starvation for some (a point already reached in Russia and approximately reached in Austria). Men will not always die quietly. For starvation, which brings to some lethargy and a helpless despair, drives other temperaments to the nervous instability of hysteria and to a mad despair. And these in their distress may overturn the remnants of organization, and submerge civilization itself in their attempts to satisfy desperately the overwhelming needs of the individual. This is the danger against which all our resources and courage and idealism must now co-operate. On the 13th May, 1919, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau addressed to the Peace Conference of the Allied and Associated Powers the Report of the German Economic Commission charged with the study of the effect of the conditions of Peace on the situation of the German population. "In the course of the last two generations," they reported, "Germany has become transformed from an agricultural State to an industrial State. So long as she was an agricultural State, Germany could feed forty million inhabitants. As an industrial State she could insure the means of subsistence for a population of sixty-seven millions; and in 1913 the importation of foodstuffs amounted, in round figures, to twelve million tons. Before the war a total of fifteen million persons in Germany provided for their existence by foreign trade, navigation, and the use, directly or indirectly, of foreign raw material." After rehearsing the main relevant provisions of the Peace Treaty the report continues "After this diminution of her products, after the economic depression resulting from the loss of her colonies, her merchant fleet and her foreign investments, Germany will not he in a position to import from abroad an adequate quantity of raw material. An enormous part of German industry will, therefore, be condemned inevitably to destruction. The need of importing foodstuffs will increase considerably at the same time that the possibility of satisfying this demand is as greatly diminished. In a very short time, therefore, Germany will not be in a position to give bread and work to her numerous millions of inhabitants, who are prevented from earning their livelihood by navigation and trade. These persons should emigrate, but this is a material impossibility, all the more because many countries and the most important ones will oppose any German immigration. To put the Peace conditions into execution would logically involve, therefore, the loss of several millions of persons in Germany. This catastrophe would not be long in coming about, seeing that the health of the population has been broken down during the War by the Blockade, and during the Armistice by the aggravation of the Blockade of famine. No help, however great, or over however long a period it were continued, could prevent those deaths en masse." "We do not know, and indeed we doubt," the report concludes, "whether the Delegates of the Allied and. Associated Powers realize the inevitable consequences which will take place if Germany, an industrial State, very thickly populated, closely bound up with the economic system of the world, and under the necessity of importing enormous quantities of raw material and foodstuffs, suddenly finds herself pushed back to the phase of her development, which corresponds to her economic condition and the numbers of her population as they were half a century ago. Those who sign this Treaty will sign the death sentence of many millions of German men, women and children." I know of no adequate answer to these words. The indictment is at least as true of the Austrian, as of the German, settlement. This is the fundamental problem in front of us, before which questions of territorial adjustment and the balance of European power are insignificant. Some of the catastrophes of past history, which have thrown back human progress for centuries, have been due to the reactions following on the sudden termination, whether in the course of nature or by the act of man, of temporarily favorable conditions which have permitted the growth of population beyond what could be provided for when the favorable conditions were at an end. The significant features of the immediate situation can be grouped under three heads first, the absolute falling off, for the time being, in Europe s internal productivity; second, the breakdown of transport and exchange by means of which its products could be conveyed where they were most wanted; and third, the inability of Europe to purchase its usual supplies from overseas. The decrease of productivity cannot be easily estimated, and may be the subject of exaggeration. But the primâ facie evidence of it is overwhelming, and this factor has been the main burden of Mr. Hoover s well-considered warnings. A variety of causes have produced it;—violent and prolonged internal disorder as in Russia and Hungary; the creation of new governments and their inexperience in the readjustment of economic relations, as in Poland and Czecho-Slovakia; the loss throughout the Continent of efficient labor, through the casualties of war or the continuance of mobilization; the falling-off in efficiency through continued underfeeding in the Central Empires; the exhaustion of the soil from lack of the usual applications of artificial manures throughout the course of the war; the unsettlement of the minds of the laboring classes on the above all (to quote Mr. Hoover), "there is a great fundamental economic issues of their lives. But relaxation of effort as the reflex of physical exhaustion of large sections of the population from privation and the mental and physical strain of the war." Many persons are for one reason or another out of employment altogether. According to Mr. Hoover, a summary of the unemployment bureaus in Europe in July, 1919, showed that 15,000,000 families were receiving unemployment allowances in one form or another, and were being paid in the main by a constant inflation of currency. In Germany there is the added deterrent to labor and to capital (in so far as the Reparation terms are taken literally), that anything, which they may produce beyond the barest level of subsistence, will for years to come be taken away from them. Such definite data as we possess do not add much, perhaps, to the general picture of decay. But I will remind the reader of one or two of them. The coal production of Europe as a whole is estimated to have fallen off by 30 per cent; and upon coal the greater part of the industries of Europe and the whole of her transport system depend. Whereas before the war Germany produced 85 per cent of the total food consumed by her inhabitants, the productivity of the soil is now diminished by 40 per cent and the effective quality of the live-stock by 55 per cent.[145] Of the European countries which formerly possessed a large exportable surplus, Russia, as much by reason of deficient transport as of diminished output, may herself starve. Hungary, apart from her other troubles, has been pillaged by the Romanians immediately after harvest. Austria will have consumed the whole of her own harvest for 1919 before the end of the calendar year. The figures are almost too overwhelming to carry conviction to our minds; if they were not quite so bad, our effective belief in them might be stronger. But even when coal can be got and grain harvested, the breakdown of the European railway system prevents their carriage; and even when goods can be manufactured, the breakdown of the European currency system prevents their sale. I have already described the losses, by war and under the Armistice surrenders, to the transport system of Germany. But even so, Germany s position, taking account of her power of replacement by manufacture, is probably not so serious as that of some of her neighbors. In Russia (about which, however, we have very little exact or accurate information) the condition of the rolling-stock is believed to be altogether desperate, and one of the most fundamental factors in her existing economic disorder. And in Poland, Roumania, and Hungary the position is not much better. Yet modern industrial life essentially depends on efficient transport facilities, and the population which secured its livelihood by these means cannot continue to live without them. The breakdown of currency, and the distrust in its purchasing value, is an aggravation of these evils which must be discussed in a little more detail in connection with foreign trade. What then is our picture of Europe? A country population able to support life on the fruits of its own agricultural production but without the accustomed surplus for the towns, and also (as a result of the lack of imported materials and so of variety and amount in the saleable manufactures of the towns) without the usual incentives to market food in return for other wares; an industrial population unable to keep its strength for lack of food, unable to earn a livelihood for lack of materials, and so unable to make good by imports from abroad the failure of productivity at home. Yet, according to Mr. Hoover, "a rough estimate would indicate that the population of Europe is at least 100,000,000 greater than can be supported without imports, and must live by the production and distribution of exports." The problem of the re-inauguration of the perpetual circle of production and exchange in foreign trade leads me to a necessary digression on the currency situation of Europe. Lenin is said to have declared that the best way to destroy the Capitalist System was to debauch the currency. By a continuing process of inflation, governments can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of their citizens. By this method they not only confiscate, but they confiscate arbitrarily; and, while the process impoverishes many, it actually enriches some. The sight of this arbitrary rearrangement of riches strikes not only at security, but at confidence in the equity of the existing distribution of wealth. Those to whom the system brings windfalls, beyond their deserts and even beyond their expectations or desires, become "profiteers,", who are the object of the hatred of the bourgeoisie, whom the inflationism has impoverished, not less than of the proletariat. As the inflation proceeds and the real value of the currency fluctuates wildly from month to month, all permanent relations between debtors and creditors, which form the ultimate foundation of capitalism, become so utterly disordered as to be almost meaningless; and the process of wealth-getting degenerates into a gamble and a lottery. Lenin was certainly right. There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency. The process engages all the hidden forces of economic law on the side of destruction, and does it in a manner which not one man in a million is able to diagnose. In the latter stages of the war all the belligerent governments practised, from necessity or incompetence, what a Bolshevist might have done from design. Even now, when the war is over, most of them continue out of weakness the same malpractices. But further, the Governments of Europe, being many of them at this moment reckless in their methods as well as weak, seek to direct on to a class known as "profiteers" the popular indignation against the more obvious consequences of their vicious methods. These "profiteers" are, broadly speaking, the entrepreneur class of capitalists, that is to say, the active and constructive element in the whole capitalist society, who in a period of rapidly rising prices cannot help but get rich quick whether they wish it or desire it or not. If prices are continually rising, even trader who has purchased for stock or owns property and plant inevitably makes profits. By directing hatred against this class, therefore, the European Governments are carrying a step further the fatal process which the subtle mind of Lenin had consciously conceived. The profiteers are a consequence and not a cause of rising prices. By combining a popular hatred of the class of entrepreneurs with the blow already given to social security by the violent and arbitrary disturbance of contract and of the established equilibrium of wealth which is the inevitable result of inflation, these Governments are fast rendering impossible a continuance of the social and economic order of the nineteenth century. But they have no plan for replacing it. We are thus faced in Europe with the spectacle of an extraordinary weakness on the part of the great capitalist class, which has emerged from the industrial triumphs of the nineteenth century, and seemed a very few years ago our all-powerful master. The terror and personal timidity of the individuals of this class is now so great, their confidence in their place in society and in their necessity to the social organism so diminished, that they are the easy victims of intimidation. This was not so in England twenty-five years ago, any more than it is now in the United States. Then the capitalists believed in themselves, in their value to society, in the propriety of their continued existence in the full enjoyment of their riches and the unlimited exercise of their power. Now they tremble before every insult;—call them pro-Germans, international financiers, or profiteers, and they will give you any ransom you choose to ask not to speak of them so harshly. They allow themselves to be ruined and altogether undone by their own instruments, governments of their own making, and a press of which they are the proprietors. Perhaps it is historically true that no order of society ever perishes save by its own hand. In the complexer world of Western Europe the Immanent Will may achieve its ends more subtly and bring in the revolution no less inevitably through a Klotz or a George than by the intellectualisms, too ruthless and self-conscious for us, of the bloodthirsty philosophers of Russia. The inflationism of the currency systems of Europe has proceeded to extraordinary lengths. The various belligerent Governments, unable, or too timid or too short-sighted to secure from loans or taxes the resources they required, have printed notes for the balance. In Russia and Austria-Hungary this process has reached a point where for the purposes of foreign trade the currency is practically valueless. The Polish mark can be bought for about three cents and the Austrian crown for less than two cents, but they cannot be sold at all. The German mark is worth less than four cents on the exchanges. In most of the other countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe the real position is nearly as bad. The currency of Italy has fallen to little more than a halt of its nominal value in spite of its being still subject to some degree of regulation; French currency maintains an uncertain market; and even sterling is seriously diminished in present value and impaired in its future prospects. But while these currencies enjoy a precarious value abroad, they have never entirely lost, not even in Russia, their purchasing power at home. A sentiment of trust in the legal money of the State is so deeply implanted in the citizens of all countries that they cannot but believe that some day this money must recover a part at least of its former value. To their minds it appears that value is inherent in money as such, and they do not apprehend that the real wealth, which this money might have stood for, has been dissipated once and for all. This sentiment is supported by the various legal regulations with which the Governments endeavor to control internal prices, and so to preserve some purchasing power for their legal tender. Thus the force of law preserves a measure of immediate purchasing power over some commodities and the force of sentiment and custom maintains, especially amongst peasants, a willingness to hoard paper which is really worthless. The presumption of a spurious value for the currency, by the force of law expressed in the regulation of prices, contains in itself, however, the seeds of final economic decay, and soon dries up the sources of ultimate supply. If a man is compelled to exchange the fruits of his labors for paper which, as experience soon teaches him, he cannot use to purchase what he requires at a price comparable to that which he has received for his own products, he will keep his produce for himself, dispose of it to his friends and neighbors as a favor, or relax his efforts in producing it. A system of compelling the exchange of commodities at what is not their real relative value not only relaxes production, but leads finally to the waste and inefficiency of barter. If, however, a government refrains from regulation and allows matters to take their course, essential commodities soon attain a level of price out of the reach of all but the rich, the worthlessness of the money becomes apparent, and the fraud upon the public can be concealed no longer. The effect on foreign trade of price-regulation and profiteer-hunting as cures for inflation is even worse. Whatever may be the case at home, the currency must soon reach its real level abroad, with the result that prices inside and outside the country lose their normal adjustment. The price of imported commodities, when converted at the current rate o exchange, is far in excess of the local price, so that many essential goods will not be imported at all by private agency, and must be provided by the government, which, in re-selling the goods below cost price, plunges thereby a little further into insolvency. The bread subsidies, now almost universal throughout Europe, are the leading example of this phenomenon. The countries of Europe fall into two distinct groups at the present time as regards their manifestations of what is really the same evil throughout, according as they have been cut off from international intercourse by the Blockade, or have had their imports paid for out of the resources of their allies. I take Germany as typical of the first, and France and Italy of the second. The note circulation of Germany is about ten times[146] what it was before the war. The value of the mark in terms of gold is about one-eighth of its former value. As world-prices in terms of gold are more than double what they were, it follows that mark-prices inside Germany ought to be from sixteen to twenty times their pre-war level if they are to be in adjustment and proper conformity with prices outside Germany.[147] But this is not the case. In spite of a very great rise in German prices, they probably do not yet average much more than five times their former level, so far as staple commodities are concerned; and it is impossible that they should rise further except with a simultaneous and not less violent adjustment of the level of money wages. The existing maladjustment hinders in two ways (apart from other obstacles) that revival of the import trade which is the essential preliminary of the economic reconstruction of the country. In the first place, imported commodities are beyond the purchasing power of the great mass of the population,[148] and the flood of imports which might have been expected to succeed the raising of the blockade was not in fact commercially possible.[149] In the second place, it is a hazardous enterprise for a merchant or a manufacturer to purchase with a foreign credit material for which, when he has imported it or manufactured it, he will receive mark currency of a quite uncertain and possibly unrealizable value. This latter obstacle to the revival of trade is one which easily escapes notice and deserves a little attention. It is impossible at the present time to say what the mark will be worth in terms of foreign currency three or six months or a year hence, and the exchange market can quote no reliable figure. It may be the case, therefore, that a German merchant, careful of his future credit and reputation, who is actually offered a short period credit in terms of sterling or dollars, may be reluctant and doubtful whether to accept it. He will owe sterling or dollars, but he will sell his product for marks, and his power, when the time comes, to turn these marks into the currency in which he has to repay his debt is entirely problematic. Business loses its genuine character and becomes no better than a speculation in the exchanges, the fluctuations in which entirely obliterate the normal profits of commerce. There are therefore three separate obstacles to the revival of trade a maladjustment between internal prices and international prices, a lack of individual credit abroad wherewith to buy the raw materials needed to secure the working capital and to re-start the circle of exchange, and a disordered currency system which renders credit operations hazardous or impossible quite apart from the ordinary risks of commerce. The note circulation of France is more than six times its pre-war level. The exchange value of the franc in terms of gold is a little less than two-thirds its former value; that is to say, the value of the franc has not fallen in proportion to the increased volume of the currency.[150] This apparently superior situation of France is due to the fact that until recently a very great part of her imports have not been paid for, but have been covered by loans from the Governments of Great Britain and the United States. This has allowed a want of equilibrium between exports and imports to be established, which is becoming a very serious factor, now that the outside assistance is being gradually discontinued. The internal economy of France and its price level in relation to the note circulation and the foreign exchanges is at present based on an excess of imports over exports which cannot possibly continue. Yet it is difficult to see how the position can be readjusted except by a lowering of the standard of consumption in France, which, even if it is only temporary, will provoke a great deal of discontent.[151] The situation of Italy is not very different. There the note circulation is five or six times its pre-war level, and the exchange value of the lira in terms of gold about half its former value. Thus the adjustment of the exchange to the volume of the note circulation has proceeded further in Italy than in France. On the other hand, Italy s "invisible" receipts, from emigrant remittances and the expenditure of tourists, have been very injuriously affected; the disruption of Austria has deprived her of an important market; and her peculiar dependence on foreign shipping and on imported raw materials of every kind has laid her open to special injury from the increase of world prices. For all these reasons her position is grave, and her excess of imports as serious a symptom as in the case of France.[152] The existing inflation and the maladjustment of international trade are aggravated, both in France and in Italy, by the unfortunate budgetary position of the Governments of these countries. In France the failure to impose taxation is notorious. Before the war the aggregate French and British budgets, and also the average taxation per head, were about equal; but in France no substantial effort has been made to cover the increased expenditure. "Taxes increased in Great Britain during the war," it has been estimated, "from 95 francs per head to 265 francs, whereas the increase in France was only from 90 to 103 francs." The taxation voted in France for the financial year ending June 30, 1919, was less than half the estimated normal post-bellum expenditure. The normal budget for the future cannot be put below $4,400,000,000 (22 milliard francs), and may exceed this figure; but even for the fiscal year 1919-20 the estimated receipts from taxation do not cover much more than half this amount. The French Ministry of Finance have no plan or policy whatever for meeting this prodigious deficit, except the expectation of receipts from Germany on a scale which the French officials themselves know to be baseless. In the meantime they are helped by sales of war material and surplus American stocks and do not scruple, even in the latter half of 1919, to meet the deficit by the yet further expansion of the note issue of the Bank of France.[153] The budgetary position of Italy is perhaps a little superior to that of France. Italian finance throughout the war was more enterprising than the French, and far greater efforts were made to impose taxation and pay for the war. Nevertheless Signor Nitti, the Prime Minister, in a letter addressed to the electorate on the eve of the General Election (Oct., 1919), thought it necessary to make public the following desperate analysis of the situation —(1) The State expenditure amounts to about three times the revenue. (2) All the industrial undertakings of the State, including the railways, telegraphs, and telephones, are being run at a loss. Although the public is buying bread at a high price, that price represents a loss to the Government of about a milliard a year. (3) Exports now leaving the country are valued at only one-quarter or one-fifth of the imports from abroad. (4) The National Debt is increasing by about a milliard lire per month. (5) The military expenditure for one month is still larger than that for the first year of the war. But if this is the budgetary position of France and Italy, that of the rest of belligerent Europe is yet more desperate. In Germany the total expenditure of the Empire, the Federal States, and the Communes in 1919-20 is estimated at 25 milliards of marks, of which not above 10 milliards are covered by previously existing taxation. This is without allowing anything for the payment of the indemnity. In Russia, Poland, Hungary, or Austria such a thing as a budget cannot be seriously considered to exist at all.[154] Thus the menace of inflationism described above is not merely a product of the war, of which peace begins the cure. It is a continuing phenomenon of which the end is not yet in sight. All these influences combine not merely to prevent Europe from supplying immediately a sufficient stream of exports to pay for the goods she needs to import, but they impair her credit for securing the working capital required to re-start the circle of exchange and also, by swinging the forces of economic law yet further from equilibrium rather than towards it, they favor a continuance of the present conditions instead of a recovery from them. An inefficient, unemployed, disorganized Europe faces us, torn by internal strife and international hate, fighting, starving, pillaging, and lying. What warrant is there for a picture of less somber colors? I have paid little heed in this book to Russia, Hungary, or Austria.[155] There the miseries of life and the disintegration of society are too notorious to require analysis; and these countries are already experiencing the actuality of what for the rest of Europe is still in the realm of prediction. Yet they comprehend a vast territory and a great population, and are an extant example of how much man can suffer and how far society can decay. Above all, they are the signal to us of how in the final catastrophe the malady of the body passes over into malady of the mind. Economic privation proceeds by easy stages, and so long as men suffer it patiently the outside world cares little. Physical efficiency and resistance to disease slowly diminish,[156] but life proceeds somehow, until the limit of human endurance is reached at last and counsels of despair and madness stir the sufferers from the lethargy which precedes the crisis. Then man shakes himself, and the bonds of custom are loosed. The power of ideas is sovereign, and he listens to whatever instruction of hope, illusion, or revenge is carried to him on the air. As I write, the flames of Russian Bolshevism seem, for the moment at least, to have burnt themselves out, and the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe are held in a dreadful torpor. The lately gathered harvest keeps off the worst privations, and Peace has been declared at Paris. But winter approaches. Men will have nothing to look forward to or to nourish hopes on. There will be little fuel to moderate the rigors of the season or to comfort the starved bodies of the town-dwellers. But who can say how much is endurable, or in what direction men will seek at last to escape from their misfortunes? FOOTNOTES [145] Professor Starling s Report on Food Conditions in Germany. (Cmd. 280.) [146] Including the Darlehenskassenscheine somewhat more. [147] Similarly in Austria prices ought to be between twenty and thirty times their former level. [148] One of the moat striking and symptomatic difficulties which faced the Allied authorities in their administration of the occupied areas of Germany during the Armistice arose out of the fact that even when they brought food into the country the inhabitants could not afford to pay its cost price. [149] Theoretically an unduly low level of home prices should stimulate exports and so cure itself. But in Germany, and still more in Poland and Austria, there is little or nothing to export. There must be imports before there can be exports. [150] Allowing for the diminished value of gold, the exchange value of the franc should be less than 40 per cent of its previous value, instead of the actual figure of about 60 per cent, if the fall were proportional to the increase in the volume of the currency. [151] How very far from equilibrium France s international exchange now is can be seen from the following table Monthly AverageImports $1,000Exports $1,000Excess of Imports $1,000 1913140,355114,67025,685 1914106,70581,14525,560 1918331,91569,055262,860 Jan.-Mar. 1919387,14066,670320,470 Apr.-June 1919421,41083,895337,515 July 1919467,565123,675343,890 These figures have been converted, at approximately par rates, but this is roughly compensated by the fact that the trade of 1918 and 1919 has been valued at 1917 official rates. French imports cannot possibly continue at anything approaching these figures, and the semblance of prosperity based on such a state of affairs is spurious. [152] The figures for Italy are as follows Monthly AverageImports $1,000Exports $1,000Excess of Imports $1,000 191360,76041,86018,900 191448,72036,84011,880 1918235,02541,390193,635 Jan.-Mar. 1919229,24038,685191,155 Apr.-June 1919331,03569,250261,785 July-Aug. 1919223,53584,515139,020 [153] In the last two returns of the Bank of France available as I write (Oct. 2 and 9, 1919) the increases in the note issue on the week amounted to $93,750,000 and $94,125,000 respectively. [154] On October 3, 1919, M. Bilinski made his financial statement to the Polish Diet. He estimated his expenditure for the next nine months at rather more than double his expenditure for the past nine months, and while during the first period his revenue had amounted to one-fifth of his expenditure, for the coming months he was budgeting for receipts equal to one-eighth of his outgoings. The Times correspondent at Warsaw reported that "in general M. Bilinski s tone was optimistic and appeared to satisfy his audience." [155] The terms of the Peace Treaty imposed on the Austrian Republic bear no relation to the real facts of that State s desperate situation. The Arbeiter Zeitung of Vienna on June 4, 1919, commented on them as follows "Never has the substance of a treaty of peace so grossly betrayed the intentions which were said to have guided its construction as is the case with this Treaty . . . in which every provision is permeated with ruthlessness and pitilessness, in which no breath of human sympathy can be detected, which flies in the face of everything which binds man to man, which is a crime against humanity itself, against a suffering and tortured people." I am acquainted in detail with the Austrian Treaty and I was present when some of its terms were being drafted, but I do not find it easy to rebut the justice of this outburst. [156] For months past the reports of the health conditions in the Central Empires have been of such a character that the imagination is dulled, and one almost seems guilty of sentimentality in quoting them. But their general veracity is not disputed, and I quote the three following, that the reader may not be unmindful of them "In the last years of the war, in Austria alone at least 35,000 people died of tuberculosis, in Vienna alone 12,000. Today we have to reckon with a number of at least 350,000 to 400,000 people who require treatment for tuberculosis.... As the result of malnutrition a bloodless generation is growing up with undeveloped muscles, undeveloped joints, and undeveloped brain" (Neue Freie Presse, May 31, 1919). The Commission of Doctors appointed by the Medical Faculties of Holland, Sweden, and Norway to examine the conditions in Germany reported as follows in the Swedish Press in April, 1919 "Tuberculosis, especially in children, is increasing in an appalling way, and, generally speaking, is malignant. In the same way rickets is more serious and more widely prevalent. It is impossible to do anything for these diseases; there is no milk for the tuberculous, and no cod-liver oil for those suffering from rickets.... Tuberculosis is assuming almost unprecedented aspects, such as have hitherto only been known in exceptional cases. The whole body is attacked simultaneously, and the illness in this form is practically incurable.... Tuberculosis is nearly always fatal now among adults. It is the cause of 90 per cent of the hospital cases. Nothing can be done against it owing to lack of food-stuffs.... It appears in the most terrible forms, such as glandular tuberculosis, which turns into purulent dissolution." The following is by a writer in the Vossische Zeitung, June 5, 1919, who accompanied the Hoover Mission to the Erzgebirge "I visited large country districts where 90 per cent of all the children were ricketty and where children of three years are only beginning to walk.... Accompany me to a school in the Erzgebirge. You think it is a kindergarten for the little ones. No, these are children of seven and eight years. Tiny faces, with large dull eyes, overshadowed by huge puffed, ricketty foreheads, their small arms just skin and bone, and above the crooked legs with their dislocated joints the swollen, pointed stomachs of the hunger oedema.... You see this child here, the physician in charge explained; it consumed an incredible amount of bread, and yet did not get any stronger. I found out that it hid all the bread it received underneath its straw mattress. The fear of hunger was so deeply rooted in the child that it collected stores instead of eating the food a misguided animal instinct made the dread of hunger worse than the actual pangs. " Yet there are many persons apparently in whose opinion justice requires that such beings should pay tribute until they are forty or fifty years of age in relief of the British taxpayer.
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THIS SHIT S CURSED 参考動画 GTA4未クリアだけどLost and Damnedできるもん!10 ~The Lostクラブハウス~ Jim Billy, I just don t see how we have a choice man. Billy、俺には選択の余地なんて見えねぇよ。 Billy I have a choice - I m free. I m not a slave. 俺にはある。俺は自由だ。奴隷じゃない。 Billy I have a choice. 俺には選択の余地がある。 Billy Jim, I love you man, but since you ve hit middle age, you ve really lost something... Jim、お前のことは大好きだ、だがお前は中年になってから、大事なものを見失っちまったよな… Jim Yeah and since you ve fucking been strung out on this shit, そうだな、だがアンタもこの件に関わって以来、 Jim you ve lost something - your fucking mind. 大事なものを失っちまってる、自分の心をな。 Brian Easy Jim, look who the fuck you re speaking to huh. 待てよJim、おい、誰に向かって口きいてるのかわかってるか。 Billy Hey. よぉ。 Johnny What s up? どうした? Billy I m just trying to explain to our friend here - ちょっとココにいる友人に説明してあげようとしてただけだ。 Billy that possession is nine tenths of the law - 主導権は9割がた俺の方にあって、 Billy we should make the slopes pay us back. 俺たちはアジア野郎どもから金を回収する方法を考えださねぇといけねぇって事をな。 Terry Billy, I ve got Chad on the phone! Billy、Chadから電話だぞ! Johnny Pay us back for what? 何の金を払ってもらうんだ? Billy Look we have a business opportunity here Johnny. あのな俺たちはビジネスのチャンスを手に入れたんだ、Johnny。 Billy I think a guy like you should be pleased. お前みたいな男なら必ず喜ぶ。 Johnny Yeah but Jim says there s some problem. そうか、でもJimは問題があるって顔してるぞ。 Jim There is - that H we stole - it belonged to the Chinese. そうだ、俺たちが盗んだあのヘロイン、元は中国人どもの物だった。 Jim The Deadbeats told them we got it and they want it back. Deadbeatどもが俺たちが盗んだことをタレこみやがって、中国人どもが返すよう要求してきてる。 Johnny So? Fuck em. それで?殺っちまえばいいだろう。 Billy Finally! その通り! Terry Billy! Billy! Terry Chad s on the phone about the meeting. Chadがミーティングのことで話があるってよ。 Jim Look normally I d be down for that, あのな、いつもなら俺も話に乗ってるところだが、 Jim but these aren t the type of dudes you say "fuck em" to. 奴らはお前の言うように「殺っちまえ」るような奴らじゃないんだ。 Jim They re some heavily armed, pissed off motherfuckers, 武装はかなりのもんだし、狂気な野郎どもだ、 Jim who killed a couple of Angels when they found out their shit was gone. 奴らのブツがなくなった時だって、あのAngels共もかなりの数、殺られてる。 Jim Now I m thinking maybe we can strike up a deal with them. それで俺は思ったんだ、奴らとは取引で交渉した方が良いってな。 Johnny Okay. オーケイ。 Billy Okay? Why don t you just suck em off while you re at it? オーケイだと?わざわざ奴らのところに行ってフェラでもしてやるつもりか? Billy And tell Chad I m sober as can be over here. あとChadには俺はシラフだって言っておけ。 Johnny Look I just think that given this war we re back into with the Angels of Death, なぁ、俺は思うんだが、抗争を起こしたとしても得られるのは結局、Angels of Deathとまた一戦やりあうハメになっちまうってコトと Johnny and given the fact that one or possibly two government agencies 1人、悪ければ2人もの政府の役人どもに Johnny are looking into our shit, 俺たちのブツの匂いを嗅ぎつけられるっていう事実ぐらいだ、 Johnny that offloading the heroin would be a good idea, alright!? だからこのヘロインなんかは持ち出しちまうのがいいアイデアだと思う、わかるよな!? Johnny And looking for a fight, is the wrong thing to do right now 抗争を無理に始める、それについては現段階じゃよくねぇ考えだ、 Johnny given the fact that we can t even stop fighting amongst ourselves! 抗争どころか、その前に俺たちの間でケンカが始まっちまうのは目に見えてるぜ! Billy Yeah, you re right we probably should all get into a circle, そうだな、お前は正しいよ、じゃあ皆で輪になって、 Billy hold hands, pray, and sing Kum Ba Yah. 手を取り合い、祈り、Kum Ba Yah(黒人の歌う祈りの歌)でも歌えってか。 Brian Kum Ba Yah! Kum Ba Yah! Johnny Yeah, whatever... はいはい、どうでもいいが… Johnny This ain t joking matter, Billy! コレはマジなんだぜ、Billy! Johnny We ll either end up dead in the ground, 地面でのたれ死んで終わるか、 Johnny or back in the lockup with you! アンタと一緒にムショ行きになるかのどちらかだ! Billy I ain t going back there. I d rather be dead. ムショに戻る気はねぇよ。死んだ方がマシだ。 Brian Damn straight. 全くその通り。 Johnny Well you don t have to do either, man. なぁ無用なことはやめようぜ、そうだろ。 Johnny I just think that getting rid of that stuff now is the right thing to do. 俺はただこのブツを早くどこかにやっちまうことが一番の方策だって思っただけだ。 Billy Okay. いいだろう。 指示 Go to the meet with Billy. ・Billyと共に取引場所まで行け。 (以下会話パターンランダム) (パターン1) Brian Giving up to the slopes. It don t feel right. ヘロインをあきらめる。気乗りしねぇな。 Johnny Well, Billy says we re doing it. So get doing it. そうか、でもBillyがやろうっつったんだ。やるんだよ。 Brian I m not the one with an authority problem, Johnny. 言っとくが俺にとっては権力争いなんてどうだっていいんだぜ、Johnny。 (パターン2) Johnny You ever had a girlfriend, Brian? 今まで彼女できたことあるのか、Brian? Brian Not gonna waste my time with that crap. I got the brothers. All the hole I need at the house, man. Yeah! そんなつまらねぇことで時間を無駄にしたくないんでね。俺には兄弟たちもいるし。ヤりたくなれば女はクラブハウスにいるしな。最高だ! Johnny Too right, man. Guy like you shouldn t waste his time with all that shit. マジかよ、おい。まぁお前みたいな奴はそうなのかもな。 (パターン3) Jim I m surprised Billy agreed to this. It s the first smart move he s made since gettin out of rehab. Billyが同意してくれるなんて驚いたよ。厚生施設出て以来初めての賢い判断だと思うぜ。 Johnny Yeah. Maybe he s starting to calm down. そうだな。そろそろまともになってくれたってことだろ。 Jim Maybe he s stuck too much of that brown into his arm then. じゃああの大量のヘロインを自分の武器に変えるかもな。 (パターン4) Johnny How d you find out that H belonged to the Triads? どうやってあのヘロインがトライアドたちのものだってわかったんだ? Jim They got word out all over town. 街中で有名になってたからな。 Jim Brought it into Liberty on a ship called the Platypus a few weeks back. 数週間前にPlatypusっていう船でLiberty Cityに持ち込んだって。 Johnny Shit, Jim. You re just a fond of information, aren t you? おい、Jim。お前なら情報屋になれるぜ、そうだろ? (パターン5) Johnny Cops are poking round, Bill. We should chill out. サツがうろついてんだ、Bill。あんまり飛ばすなよ。 Billy You haven t been talking have you? Don t go forgetting what happened when Horse sang his little ditty. 久々にサツと話したいんじゃないのか?だがバイクの調子を確かめることは忘れちゃダメだぜ。 Johnny I d never talk to a pig. But there s a lesson to be learned, alright. サツと話すことなんてねぇよ。だが学ぶべきことはありそうだな、わかった。 Billy Johnny, you re wasting away, man. I think it s all the worrying you do. Why don t you hit the weights later? Johnny、疲れてんな。いつも悩んでばっかいるからだろ。後で運動でもしたらどうだ? Johnny You re not as big as those days when you hit the roids either, William. アンタも最近運動してる割にはそんなでもないよな、Williamさん。 Billy My arms might not be 俺の腕はそうかもしれねぇな Billy but there s other parts that are a lot bigger now I m off the drugs. Just ask Ashley. だがヤクを絶って以来、俺の体の別の部分がおっきくなっちまったよ。Ashleyに聞いてみな。 Johnny Shit, Billy. You re the fucking man. How bout you beat us brothers in a race just prove it. チッ、Billyめ。アンタはすげぇ野郎だよ。レースで勝って俺たちより強いことを証明してみればどうだ。 指示 Race the Lost crew to the meet. ・取引場所までLostのメンバーとレースだ。 (レースに勝つ) Johnny Well, Bill. I may have beat you, but you re still the fucking man in my book. なぁ、Bill。俺はアンタに勝ったかもしんねぇが、俺の中ではアンタはすげぇ野郎だっていう事実に変わりはねぇぜ。 ~取引場所の前~ Billy Alright, Jim, Johnny, よし、Jim、Johnny、 Billy since you two were both so vocal in your support of this deal. お前ら2人が取引にそんなにかかわりたいって言うんなら、 Billy You two are going to be the ones to hand over the brown to the slopes. アジア野郎にヘロインを受け渡す役に任命してやろう。 Johnny What? What are you and your boy here going to be doing? は?アンタとそこのスネ夫みたいな奴はどうするんだ? Billy We are gonna watch your backs, 俺たちは後ろからお前らの背中を見守ってやるよ、 Billy because unlike this fat man here, 俺はこのメタボ野郎と違って、 Billy I just don t trust those little yellow bastards. 黄色人種どもを信用しないタチなんでね。 Billy Good luck. 幸運を。 Brian Hey, they don t need luck, we re looking out for them. なぁ、ここで運はいらねぇだろ、もっと他で運を使おうぜ。 Johnny This better be cool man. なに、うまくやってやるさ。 ~取引場所~ Jim So Johnny this uh, んでJohnny、ここが… Johnny Mmm... う~ん… Jim Okay. オーケイ。 Johnny We gonna be cool and do this thing? ちゃんと取引してくれるんだろうな? Triad So let me get this straight. 率直に言おう。 Triad You are here to sell us back our heroin. オマエらはここに俺たちのヘロインを売り戻しに来やがった。 Triad The heroin my cousins sweated over in order to bring to this country 俺の従兄弟が汗水たらしてこの街に持ってきたヘロインは Triad only to have it stolen? テメェらに盗ませるために持ってきたとでも言いてぇのか? Johnny Look man we can do business or go to war. おい、俺たちができるのは取引か抗争のどちらかだ。 Johnny It s your call. アンタら次第だぜ。 Triad In this country they seem to be the same thing, この国ではどっちも意味は同じなんだろ、 Triad you stupid pieces of shit. このクソ野郎どもが。 Jim Fuck you. 畜生。 Johnny Where the fuck s Billy? Billyはどこ行きやがった? Triad 2 Just take the shit. 殺っちまいな。 指示 Take out the Triads. ・トライアドを一掃しろ。 Jim Move it, brother. 行くぞ、兄弟。 Jim Come on, man. Let s go. こっちだぜ、おい。行くぞ。 Jim Let s get out here. さっさとココからおさらばだ。 Jim Stay close, brother. 離れるなよ、兄弟。 Jim Let s go. Let s go. 行け、行け。 (トライアドを全員倒す) 指示 Go to the front of the building. ・建物の正面まで行け。 (警察が来る) ~Dragon Heart Plaza前~ Billy You set me up, Johnny. ハメやがったな、Johnny。 Billy You set me up. この俺をハメやがった。 Cop Put your hands in the air. 両手をあげろ。 Cop Now! 早く! Billy Fuck you, Johnny. くたばりやがれ、Johnnyめ。 Billy You re dead! お前も終わったな! Cop Shut your God damn mouth, shut your mouth! そのうるさい口を閉じろ、だまれ! Billy You re dead! お前はもう終わった! Cop Shut up! だまれ! Johnny Billy, man, what the fuck? Billy、おい、一体なんだ? (Brianに電話する) ~Brianとの電話~ Brian Johnny Klebitz. Johnny Klebitz。 Johnny Brian, man. Shit s fucked. Billy s been taken down. Where are you? Brian、おい。何がどうなってる。Billyがパクられたぞ。お前今どこにいる? Brian Bill, yeah, he s fucked now. Thanks to you. I m around the corner. Billが、そうか、やられたか。ありがとよ。俺は交差点の角にいる。 Johnny We re coming. Wait there. 今行く。そこで待ってろ。 Johnny Dude, this feels weird. Let s get to the bikes. おいおい、なんか変だぞ。とりあえずバイクのところまで行こう。 指示 Go to your bike. ・バイクのところまで行け。 Jim What was that all about? 一体全体どうなってんだ? Johnny I dunno, man. Billy sounded pissed. 知るかよ。Billyはキレてたみてぇだった。 Jim He s gonna have plenty of time to think about his anger on the inside. ムショの中で頭を冷やす時間がたっぷり得られるハメになっちまったな。 Johnny Well, why d he bring me into it? それにしてもBillyはなんで俺をこの取引に呼んだんだ? Jim We got more important things to think about. Without Billy we got no leader. そんなことよりもっと考えるべき重要なことがあるぜ。Billyがいなくなっちまったっつーことはリーダーがいねぇって事だ。 Jim You re gonna have to take charge of the chapter, man. お前が仲間を引っ張っていかなきゃなんねぇ。 Johnny It s like being made Captain of a sinkin ship. What am I gonna do? まるで沈みかけの船の船長を任されたみてぇだな。どうすりゃいいんだ? Jim You re gonna stick by your brothers. We got to pull together now. 兄弟たちを常に見守る。今こそ一体にならねぇとダメだ。 Johnny You re right about that. 確かにそうだな。 Jim Let s see what Brian s got to say for himself. じゃあBrianの言い分でも聞きに行こうじゃねぇか。 (バイクのところに着く) Brian Klebitz, man, what the fuck? What happened back there? Klebitz、なぁ、一体どうした?あそこで何があったんだ? 指示 You are now Chapter President. Lead group back to your turf. ・総長になった。仲間をつれてシマまで戻れ。 説明 When leading a group of bikers, hold B to switch the camera to the group point of view. ・編隊を率いている時は、Bボタンを押している間、カメラがグループ視点に切り替わる。 説明 Stay close to the group of bikers you are leading as Chapter President to talk with them. ・仲間と話すためにも総長として編隊を率いている時は仲間と離れるな。 Brian Why couldn t you save Billy? なんでBillyを守れなかったんだ? Jim What do you mean? Johnny and I were getting jumped. Why weren t you helping Billy? どういう意味だよそりゃ?Johnnyと俺は戦闘真っ最中だったんだぞ。なぜBillyを助けてやらなかった? Brian I had to help myself, man. I mean, I can t be expected to... 自分を守るのに精いっぱいでさ。つまり、予想もつかなかったんだ… Jim Johnny, man. We got to have a meet for all the brothers when we get back. Tell em what happened. Johnny、なぁ。戻ったら兄弟たち全員呼んでミーティングだ。何があったか知らせねぇと。 Johnny Brian, man, what the fuck were you and Billy doing while those Triads jumped on me and Jim? Brian、なぁ、一体お前とBillyはどこにいて、俺とJimがトライアドとやりあってる間、なにやってたんだ? Johnny Important question, Brian. What happened there? Billy said these Triads were ready to deal. 大事なことなんだぜ、Brian。あそこで何があった?Billyの話ではトライアドは取引に応じるはずだっただろ。 Jim You re gonna have to take over the chapter presidency, Johnny. Only thing for it. お前が仲間を率いる役を受けつがねぇといけねぇぜ、Johnny。それだけはやらねぇと。 Brian Not if I got anything to say on it. Not if Billy hears about this. 俺が何も言わない場合。Billyがこの話を聞いてない場合はの話だろ。 Jim Save it for Church, Brian. じゃあ頼むよ、Brian。 ~The Lostクラブハウス前~ Brian Jesus. That was heavy, man. Fuck it. 畜生。大変だったぜ。クソっ。 Johnny What was Billy s fucking problem? 一体Billyに何があったんだ? Brian Nothing wrong with him, buddy. 特に何もなかったぜ、相棒。 Johnny You two want us to end up all dead? まさかお前、俺たち全員死ぬつもりで行ったのかよ? Brian Man, Billy was right about you. ったく、Billyのお前に対する見方は正しかったみてぇだ。 Brian I knew you were a rat, now he s gone, man. やっぱりお前が裏切り者だったんだな、それでBillyも逝っちまったんだ。 Johnny He ain t gone, Brian, he s gone to prison. アイツは逝っちゃいねぇよ、Brian、ムショに行っただけだ。 Johnny He s not dead. アイツは死んでねぇ。 Brian You ratted him out! You ratted him out! この裏切り者め!この裏切り者! Johnny No, I didn t. He nearly got me fucking killed. 違ぇよ、俺じゃない。むしろアイツのせいで俺は死ぬところだったんだぞ。 Brian You set us up - you ve always wanted to be the one - 俺たちをハメやがったんだな、お前、そういやいつも成りたいって言ってたしな、 Brian the man - you re a gimp, Johnny. 真の男とやらに、お前はズル賢い野郎だぜ、Johnny。 Brian A gimp and a fucking Judas. ズル賢いユダヤの裏切り者だ。 Johnny What the fuck are you talking about, 一体お前はさっきから何言ってんだよ? Johnny you ass kissing little weasel? このチビの告げ口野郎が! Jim Hey Brian. Johnny s not like that, man. おい、Brian。Johnnyはそんな奴じゃねぇだろうが。 Brian Jim, you re wrong, man. I know you re a good guy - Jim、お前は間違ってる。お前は良い奴だ、 Brian but this Jew prick. He fucked us over, man. だがこのユダヤのバカは違う。コイツは俺たちを裏切った。 Brian He set us up and he called the cops. コイツが俺たちをハメて、サツを呼んだんだ。 Brian And you know why? なぜか分かるか? Brian Because they re putting heat on him. なぜなら奴らサツは容疑者を手配し、 Brian They saw him and they ve been calling him... 発見したらずっと脅すんだ… Brian I know, because they did the same to me, 俺には分かる、なぜなら同じことを俺もされたからな、 Brian and they told me you rattled us out. そしてサツどもはお前に俺たちを裏切れって言ったんだ。 Johnny You keep talking like that - you are dead, my little friend. そんなことを話すようになったんじゃ、お前も終わったな、チビ。 The Lost member Fuck you, man. くたばれ、この野郎。 Johnny What? なんだと? Brian You sent Billy to jail. お前がBillyを牢獄に送ったんだ。 Brian Show us your phone, 携帯を見せてみろよ、 Brian prove you ain t been speaking to the law. サツに連絡してねぇって証明してみろってんだ。 Johnny I don t prove shit to you and I didn t talk to no one. なんで証明しなきゃいけねぇんだよ、俺は誰にも言ってねぇ。 Johnny Fuck it... c mon! クソったれが…勘弁してくれ! Brian You stay away from us, you hear? もう俺たちと関わるんじゃねぇ、わかったか? Johnny Okay, Jim. I guess I got to take over as Chapter President now. わかった、Jim。俺が総長をやらねぇといけねぇんだな。 Johnny When people hear about Billy going down, there s gonna be more pressure on us than ever. Billyが捕まったって話が広まれば、今までよりもっと危うくなるだろう。 Johnny We got to get through it. Brothers for life, man. Lost forever. I ll see you soon. なんとか乗り切らねぇとな。生涯兄弟だ。Lostは永遠なり。じゃあまたな。 説明 You are now President of The Lost Motorcycle Club. ・The Lost Motorcycle Clubの総長になった。 ~ミッション終了~ 報酬:なし
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Small talkHow are you 反応、言い返し 仕事を始めよう 意見意見を言う 提案 意見を聞く 注意、リマインド プレゼン 契約 給与 グラフ 上司 書類、フォーム 報告進捗報告 会議報告 会議選択肢 Prosさらに強く勧める Cons まとめ 報告 業績 業界 収入 システム開発 組織 説明 ユーザ 人材 Small talk 仕事の話を始める前4-5分のアイスブレイク的会話 How are you Not bad, not bad = So-so / ゆっくり言う What are you doing recently? (Polite) What are you up to these days? (Casual) How s it going? - Pretty good, you? Good to see you again. - Likewise. What are you up to these days? What s up? - Not much. How about you? / What s up?の返しはNot much. か Nothing much. アメリカ英語 反応、言い返し That s a shame. それは残念(軽い) / shameはかなり残念な意味だけど、a shameだとちょっとしたことへの返し No way! (casual) = I can t believe it! (polite) Sorry to hear that. That s great! Good for you! Are you serious? マジで?/ Really?以外も使えるように 仕事を始めよう Ok, let s get to business. Shall we discuss... 意見 意見を言う I want to give my opinion / tellじゃない 提案 上に行くほど強い提案 We have to __ We should probably __ I d like to suggest __ It might be a good idea to __ We may want to consider __ 提案する propose / suggest / recommend 意見を聞く I d like your input (on ...). (...について)あなたの意見を聞かせてください。 注意、リマインド Make sure you follow the instructions. / Make sureの後は構文が続く Remember to check that you have the correct address. Don t forget to call me. Make sure you don t reveal confidential information to them. Be careful not to lose your temporary id card. プレゼン I make an internal presentation 社内でのプレゼンテーションを行う / in the companyじゃない 契約 We must terminate their contract クビにする secure a contract / ビジネス get a contract / 個人的な契約 contract workers from outside the company お金を払う価値がある / It s worth the investment. 給与 The company doesn t provide competitive compensation / 他者に負けない報酬と福利厚生を与えない グラフ Sales have been sky rocketing The proportion of it is increasing. / その割合が増えている 上司 He wants me to grow, so he pushes me / 彼は私に成長してほしいので、背中を押す review my work 書類、フォーム Fill in the record sheet with all the relevant info. 報告 進捗報告 Keep me posted. / 何か情報のアップデートがあったら教えてね!(カジュアル) Ok. I’ll keep you updated. Ok. I’ll let you know when we hear something. I d appreciate it if you would keep me posted on. / 丁寧に I ll keep you posted. / 何かあったら報告するよ! 会議報告 第一候補 / Finally, we agreed that India would be the main candidate 最終決定してない / We didn t finalize the decision yet. 会議 選択肢 We have three choices for the location Tokyo, Hokkaido or Osaka The options are open plan, cubicles or private offices. Pros That would be nice because it s cheap. That would work well because it improves efficiency. さらに強く勧める That would be a good choice. That would be the best option. Cons That probably wouldn t work out so well because it s very expensive. That might cause problems because it reduces teamwork. まとめ To sum up It comes down to whether we ... or ... 報告 最終決定していない We didn t finalize the decision. 第一候補は XXX is main candidate. 決定した? Have we decided or is it still up in the air? / up in the air = no decision yet 業績 We re trying to bring the company s stock price back up ビジネスを拡大できない It isn t good to boost our business It isn t good for increasing profit It isn t good for expanding our business. 業界 These 2 are market leaders./ その2つが多くのシェアを持つ(業界の中心だ) 収入 It s an important revenue source. / 重要な収入源 システム開発 It will take a few more years. 組織 organizational barriers / 組織の壁 説明 In our job, / 私達の仕事では In my opinion, From this point of view, ユーザ Ther are unhappy with new restrictions Young people are becoming price-sensitive./ 若い人たちは価格に敏感になってきている 人材 highly skilled/ qualified/ experienced people
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全区戦/Server Versus Server battles Server Versus Server battles take place in three stages. The first stage, Donation lasts the full week up until the time of the last two stages. The Preparation and Battle stages happen at the end of the week and combined last three hours. At the start of the event, the Chat page will get a new Cross-Warzone chat tab. Members of each server are identified by the server they belong to at the end of their name / country tag line. On the Event page, you will see one server s number in blue in the upper left, and one in red in the lower right. There will also be points listed. This reflects the server s ranking over all for SVS. If it is the servers first SVS it will show 1000 points. At the bottom, you will see Battlefield Above and Battlefield Below indicating progress at each for the Donation stage. Below each progress bar is a button labeled Donate. On the World Map, if you scroll to the correct side of the map and keep going, you will cross a small vertical water space and then be on the opponent s map. While you can see the location and names of bases and fortresses, there are no Alliance outlines, or other borders. 寄付/Donation The Donation stage starts right at reset on Sunday. During the Donation stage, the Greatest Commander for each day gives extra awards for the milestone rewards called Military Supplies. Each award stage gives 5 supplies. These supplies are then to be donated to either the Upper Battlefield or the Lower Battlefield. At the end of the Donation Stage, the team with the most supplies donated in each Battlefield controls that Battlefield at the beginning of the Battle stage. Any member of the server can donate to the battlefields. They do not have to belong to an Alliance. Note that the Military Supplies cannot be saved from day to day as they disappear at server reset. They must be delivered on the day earned. Discussions should be held in advance amongst the Alliance Leaders and the Capitol Leader on where Battlefield supplies should be donated. 準備/Preparation It the preparation stage you can go to the other server s map and look to see where the opponents alliances and bases are. This stage lasts for two hour. and begins five hours before the server reset. バトル/Battle At three hours before reset, the Battle stage begins. In the East or West corners Towers appear on the Battlefield. The the team the tower belongs to (defending or invading) will be indicated by the colors red or blue. Refer to the Donation stage above to determine how to win this advantage. The goal of the invaders is to take the defender s capitol. To do this the invaders must take regions by occupying the region s stronghold. The regions must be connected at the edges, so the invaders cannot skip over any regions or take diagonal regions. For example, the invaders arrive in region 8 (No Man s Land). They must take the tower in region 8, then move to region 7 or region 9 and take the corresponding stronghold. Next they could attempt to carve a path to the capitol through regions 34, 35, 52, and finally region 53. Once there, the invaders must attack, conquer, and hold the Capitol. Winning and Rewards To trigger a win, the invaders must capture the Capitol and hold it. The amount of time the invaders must hold the Capitol is similar to the Silo Event. During the first hour of the event, an invader must hold the capitol for 30 minutes. During the next 30 minutes, the invaders must hold the Capitol for 15 minutes. During the next 25 minutes the invader must hold the Capitol for 5 minutes. During the last 5 minutes, the invader must only capture the capitol. Any one of these conditions may be met to win and end the Battle. Rewards are given to both sides of the conflict, though the winners get better rewards. The winning team is decided by the following conditions. First, was the Capitol captured and held. Second, how many enemy strongholds were held at the end of the battle regardless of how the end was triggered. Finally, how may points were earned by each side. In addition to typical kill points, 60 points are also awarded for taking and / or entering an enemy stronghold, as well as to defenders retaking a stronghold held by an enemy. Also, on both sides the commanders with the most kill points get awards as well. 名前
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2014年4月現在 【 大舌恭平 】 アンサンブル プロフィール 誕生日:1988年10月30日 血液型:A型 身長:172cm 体重:kg 所属:ヴィジョン・ファクトリー ブログ:大舌恭平オフィシャルブログ「B B STORY」 ツイッター:@oshita_kyohei 出演作品 舞台「戦国BASARA3」瀬戸内響嵐
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